Encyclopedia of World Biography on Hassan Al-Banna
An Egyptian religious leader, Hassan Al-Banna
(1906-1949) was the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, which is
considered the forerunner of contemporary movements of Islamic
revivalism.
Hassan Al-Banna was born in the
village of Mahmoudiyya, located northwest of the city of Cairo, to a
traditional lower middle-class family. His father was a watch repairer
and a teacher at the local mosque school where Al-Banna received his first lessons in Islam.
His religious inclination, activism, charismatic
appeal, and leadership potential were evident from an early age. By the
time he was 14 years old he had memorized the Koran, the holy book of Islam, and while still in secondary school he began to organize
committees and societies stressing
Islamic principles and morals.
Later, while attending the Teacher's
College in Cairo, Al-Banna attended lectures at the Al-Azhar, the
foremost Islamic university,
where he was exposed to current religious thought as well as to
Sufism--Islamic mysticism--which opened a new inner dimension towards
Islam and helped in forming his
future beliefs. It was in the city of Isma'illiyya, where Al-Banna was
given the job of grammar teacher, that he began to preach his ideas and
won his first followers, who encouraged him to form the Society of the
Muslim Brethren in 1928.
The association's
activities were in fact a reaction to conditions in the Islamic world
and in Egypt during the 1920s and 1930s. World War I had brought about
the defeat of the Ottoman Empire and an end to the Caliphate, the symbol
of Islamic power and unity for the Islamic world.
Secularization and
Westernization were becoming acceptable to the various governments that
ruled Muslim nations. Egypt, which had been occupied by British troops
since 1882 and was ruled by a corrupt government and ineffectual king,
was undergoing deep structural changes caused by modernization underway
since the 19th century reforms of Muhammad Ali Pasha. In turn,
modernization was accompanied by the penetration of capitalism and
industrialization. These two forces undermined traditional crafts, trade, and village life,
resulting in social dislocations as well as a growing economic gap
between the rich and poor of the country.
Furthermore,
the accompanying process of secularization posed a real threat to
Islam, because only where the Shari'a (Islamic
law) was the established legal system could there be a true
Islamic society and could Muslims live out their lives within the true
faith. Traditional elements were also concerned by the threat posed to
their society and traditions by Western ideas, press, cinema, theater,
and other cultural practices.
Rise of Conservative Ideals
During
the second half of the 19th century Egypt had witnessed vigorous
reformist efforts directed towards making Western thoughts and
institutions more acceptable to Islamic society without undermining
Islam itself. Such efforts had been led by important religious leaders
such as Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani, Muhammad Abdu, and Rashid Ridda.
However, by the 1920s, with increasing
political, social, and economic problems, Egypt witnessed a period of
resurgence of conservative Islamic ideals. Al-Banna was the disciple of
these earlier reformers; unlike them, however, he did not look for a way
of compromise with Western ideas. What he called for was the
institution of an Islamic state with a caliph as its leader and the
Koran as the basis of its law.
The Ikhwan of the
Muslim Brethren was to be the means of achieving these goals; the
program reflected the ideas of Al-Banna, its "Supreme Guide," regarding
social, religious, and economic matters. Among other things, it called
for a moral society in Islamic terms and an end to Westernization.
Since
the ills of society were blamed on the habits of the Europeanized upper
classes who preferred to wear Western clothes, speak European
languages, and bring up their children according to Western customs,
habits of the rich were to be combatted.
Economically
the wrongs enforced upon the urban and rural masses would be corrected
by calling attention to poor conditions in villages, enforcing the
religious Zakat tax intended to enable all to share in the wealth of the
few, preventing usury, and adjusting government salaries by eliminating
the huge gaps between upper and lower level jobs, as well as public
sharing in the profits of industrial and other monopoly companies.
Special attention was to be given to the technical and social needs of
workers so as to help raise their standard of living.
As for the social program, one of the main concerns of
the Ikhwan was the breakdown in the traditional role of the family and
in familial interrelationships. What with the growing poverty, immigration of rural masses to urban
centers, and other dislocation in Egyptian society, the family, the
basic unit of Islamic society, was breaking down and the young, widows,
and older members were often left homeless.
The state had not stepped in
to fill the gap caused by this dislocation. The Ikhwan's program,
therefore, called for safeguarding the family and family traditions
through enforcement of morality by a ban on prostitution, alcohol,
night-clubs, and theater productions of immoral nature and censorship of
radio programs, newspapers, and books. The morality of women was to be
guarded carefully, no association of the sexes before marriage would be
allowed, and even though women were to be educated, schools would be
segregated at all levels.
Activity on the Political Level
On the political side, the program was quite
nationalist in orientation. It called for a one-party structure, a party
that would have the good of the nation and not that of its membership at heart. The building of a
strong national army would be given priority, and ties with the Islamic
world strengthened. Government corruption would be put to an end and the
bureaucratic structure made more efficient. The ulama class of scholars
would find a place within the government by becoming employed by it in
both the civil service and the army.
Thus the
Ikhwan began as a religious association with the intent of fighting
Westernization and re-instituting Muslim laws and morality. They were
concerned with the social dislocations of their time and searched for an
answer to them. Their program
proved to be popular, particularly among the urban masses and the
traditional elements of society, as well as with the young professionals
and university graduates who were aware of the poor social and economic
conditions of Egypt and of the government's inability to deal with
them.
Al-Banna himself was one
of the chief sources of the popularity of the Ikhwan, whose membership
was conservatively estimated at one million in the 1930s. He was
described as a charismatic leader, a man of conviction who inspired
great faith in his followers. He was not a violent person; however, he
brought into existence the Nizan Al-KhASS, the
secret military arm of the Ikhwan which undertook various acts of
terrorism, such as the 1952 burning of foreign and Jewish institutions
in Cairo and the murder of Egypt's Prime Minister Al-Nuqrashi in 1948.
The latter killing provoked the assassination of Al-Banna himself in
1949 at the hands of King Farouk's secret police. The king, who once was
allied with Al-Banna, had now found him too dangerous and eliminated
him, even though Al-Banna declared himself innocent of Nuqrashi's death.
After the death of the Supreme Guide, the Ikhwan went
underground. There was a brief interval of friendship with the Nasser
regime after the 1952 revolution, but in 1956, after a failed
assassination attempt on the life of Nasser, the Ikhwan were driven
underground once more. Since the ideas of the Ikhwan were more moderate
than some other contemporary militant Islamic sects operating in Egypt,
the Ikhwan were becoming more acceptable to the Egyptian people and
government in the 1980s. The government, however, continued to refuse to
recognize the Ikhwan as an official political party with the right to
join the political process in the country.
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